Cuba News Spring 2002

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The following articles are taken from the Spring 2002 Interchange newsletter.
Contact FRD for a complimentary print copy.





Growing Debate in Washington on Cuba Travel
Call For End of Travel Restrictions
Norweigian Popular Aid: Steps to Success in Cuba
Impressions: NGOs in Cuba
Cuba Working Group



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Growing Debate in Washington on Cuba Travel
by Stephen Sokol

On March 14 Secretary of the Treasury Paul O’Neill stated that he would like to divert efforts from the enforcement of restrictions on travel to Cuba to the new global crisis of combating terrorism. Provided the opportunity to criticize Fidel Castro while defending the Bush Administration’s policy of tracking down and fining Americans who visit Cuba, Secretary O’Neill instead appeared to support the views of travel ban critic Senator Byron Dorgan (D-ND), chairman of the Senate Appropriations subcommittee that oversees the Treasury Department: "If I had the discretion for applying the resources, I would agree with you completely." His position was directly at odds with the Bush Administration’s position.

Senator Bob Graham (D-FL), a longtime critic of President Castro, took issue with O’Neill’s stance and implied it equaled a shortened tenure for O’Neill: "I don’t think he’s expressing the policy of the Bush administration". Senator Graham stated that O’Neill realize "what happens when people go before Congress and begin expressing opinions that are not part of the head coach’s game plan," said Graham, chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee.

The Associated Press reported that the White House subsequently "issued a statement attributed to O’Neill saying the Secretary fully supports the administration’s travel ban." The retraction the White House claimed he made was, "I am not seeking any change in the law or our enforcement of it... If any of my comments indicated otherwise that was not my intention."

Secretary O’Neill had asked for a review of laws "that tell us what we must do" and suggested changing them to "provide sensible discretion". These revisions would allow the Department to "get much more value for the American people". Secretary O’Neill continued: "I’m very much inclined to want to be where you are and it would be very helpful if we could work together…so that we do not put ourselves in violation of the law because we exercise what seems like common-sense discretion."

The Senator replied that much like police officers, the Treasury already retains discretion: "If jaywalking is occurring at the same time a bank robbery is occurring, law enforcement officers deal with the bank robbery. That discretion exists all over." Senator Dorgan hoped the Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) "would understand that there is a greater need to deal with the terrorist threat these days than the threat of a retired teacher bicycling through Cuba".

Dorgan is one of many increasingly powerful voices in Congress who want to end food, medicine, and travel restrictions, arguing it would increase farm and pharmaceutical exports while also giving visiting Americans the chance to promote democratic values among ordinary Cubans.

He held a landmark Senate hearing February 11, pointing critically to a more rigorous boost in enforcement of the travel ban, with the number of fines levied increasing from 188 in 2000, the Clinton Administration’s final year, to 766 in 2001, the Bush Administration’s first year. OFAC restrictions actually bar American citizens from spending money in Cuba, which is why they are enforced by the Treasury (for hearing text, please go to www.ffrd.org/cuba).

In marked contrast to Secretary O’Neill’s appearance, Cuban-born Otto Reich, the recess-appointed Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs, recently claimed that any policy reform would be "throwing a lifeline to a failed, corrupt, dictatorial, murderous regime." He has spoken strongly against American travel to and commerce with his homeland.

In direct opposition to the White House, a bipartisan Congressional group that favors easing the embargo on Cuba was launched on March 22. The Cuba Working Group includes 17 Republicans and 17 Democrats, and is headed by Arizona Republican Jeff Flake and Massachusetts Democrat William Delahunt. The new Congressional group wants to eliminate the ban on travel to Cuba, lift financing restrictions on sales of food to the island and generally foster closer bilateral ties. The group plans to issue a report in late April, at the same time as the White House announces the results of its policy review.

"This is a significant gathering here", Rep. Jim McGovern (D-MA) said at the Working Groups news conference announcing the formation of the group. "When you look at the people who are at the podium here- Republicans and Democrats, liberals and conservatives- we represent the mainstream."

The new group is taking shape as years of business and NGO advocacy against the embargo are having an effect. In the past few months, the Cuban government has taken advantage of a 2000 law allowing direct sales of U.S-grown food. Since November, Cuba has purchased or arranged to purchase $73 million of food from at least 14 American. companies, according to the United States-Cuba Trade and Economic Council. The commodities are from 23 states, which could influence members of Congress from agricultural areas. Forty-seven percent of House and Senate members are from those states. But Cuba is not allowed to obtain US financing, forcing it to pay cash. Legislation allowing private financing is in an agricultural bill that passed the Senate, but it is facing stiff resistance from Bush-backed Republicans in the House.

Despite restrictions, United States citizens have been traveling to Cuba in large numbers, with legal and illegal visitors estimated at 176,000 last year. The Treasury Department’s efforts to crack down do not appear to have stemmed the tide of visitors. "The policy as it’s currently being enforced is untenable", said Representative Jeff Flake (R-AZ) and a leader of the new group. Representative Flake said his group will try a third time to win House approval of language that would prohibit the use of funds to enforce restrictions on travel to Cuba. A similar amendment to the fiscal 2002 Treasury-Postal spending law (HR 2590 - PL 107-67) offered by Flake was adopted last year on a 240-186 vote but was dropped in conference with the Senate.

The working group also plans to issue recommendations about the controversial Radio and Television Martí, the questionable inclusion of Cuba on the State Department’s list of states that sponsor terrorism, the four-decade-old embargo, and cooperation on drug interdiction and illegal immigration.

While the working group is pushing hard for opening doors, the White House is moving swiftly to tighten any loopholes or spaces in the embargo. In its policy review, the Bush Administration is expected to offer ways to better enforce the travel ban and tighten economic and political restrictions on Cuba.

Based on reports by Associated Press, Congressional Quarterly, The South Florida Sun-Sentinel, and the United States Department of State.


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Americans Call for End to Travel Restrictions

We the undersigned urge the United States Congress to enact legislation to remove all controls on travel to Cuba. Under our democratic system, Americans have a constitutional right to travel where they wish. Not only is it their right, but it is also an article of faith that their travel helps to carry abroad American values and spread the message of our democracy. In the case of Cuba, however, the U.S. Government puts all that aside and opts instead for the kind of travel controls usually imposed by authoritarian governments. These controls ignore international standards of freedom of movement (exactly what we accuse the Cuban government of doing). They violate Article 12 of the United Nation’s International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. And even under U.S. law, the legal bases for the controls strain credulity.

These controls are also entirely counterproductive in terms of legitimate U.S. foreign policy objectives toward Cuba. We wish to encourage Cuba to move toward a more open society, yes, but preventing American citizens from traveling there in no way advances that goal. On the contrary, as Elizardo Sanchez, Cuba’s leading human rights activist, has often put it: "The more American citizens in the streets of Cuban cities, the better for the cause of a more open society. So why does the U.S. maintain travel controls?"

The logic behind Sanchez’s statement is unassailable. Travel controls are not only inconsistent with basic American values, they serve no legitimate purpose. Polls indicate that the overwhelming majority of American citizens understand that and wish to see these controls removed. Congress, in response to the will of the American people, should take action immediately to end them.


Tessie Aral
Vice President
ABC Charters Inc.
Miami, FL

Xiomara Almaguer
Executive Director
XAEL Charter, Inc.

The American Society of Travel Agents
Alexandria, VA

Francisco Aruca
Radio Progreso
Miami, FL

Peter Bourne
Vice Chancellor
St. George’s University, Grenada

Nancy Chang
Center for Constitutional Rights
New York, NY

Tom Cooper
President
Gulfstream International Airlines
Dania, FL

Hilda Diaz
President
Marazul Charters, Inc.

Alfredo Duran
President
Cuban Committee for Democracy
Miami, FL

Albert A. Fox, Jr.
President
Alliance for Responsible Cuba Policy

Elena Freyre
Executive Director
Cuban American Defense League
Miami, FL

John McAulliff
Fund for Reconciliation and Development
New York, NY

George McGovern
Former U.S. Senator from South Dakota

Eloy Gutierrez Menoyo
Cambio Cubano
Miami, FL

Sandra Levinson
Executive Director
Center for Cuban Studies
New York, NY

Dr. Juan Reardon
USA/Cuba Infomed

Wayne S. Smith
Senior Fellow
Center for International Policy
Washington, DC

Geoff Thale
Senior Associate
Washington Office on Latin AmericaWashington, DC

Lissa Weinmann
World Policy Institute, Cuba Education Project
New York, NY

Silvia Wilhelm
Puentes Cubanos, Inc.
Miami, FL

Plus an additional 32 signatures. This joint letter was coordinated by the Center for International Policy to coincide with and to support the February 11 Senate hearing on OFAC conducted by Senator Byron Dorgan. It illustrates that the ending of all travel restrictions enjoys growing support of a large segment of American public policy groups and corporations. For a complete list of signers, please go to www.ffrd.org/cuba or www.ciponline.org/cuba.


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Norwegian Popular Aid: Steps to Success in Cuba

by Cindy Huang

Norwegian Popular Aid (NPA) is an international non-governmental organization (INGO) that has achieved a high degree of success in Cuba. NPA’s experience carries many important lessons for international non-governmental organizations operating or hoping to operate in Cuba. It demonstrates that transparency and genuine dedication to help the Cuban people can result in productive partnerships and successful projects.

Since 1994, NPA has worked in Cuba as a grant-making and partner organization that focuses on grassroots innovation and participatory methods. Its philosophy is to demonstrate new methods that can possibly be adopted by the government on a larger scale. NPA cooperates with many organizations, including Habitat-Cuba and the Centro Martin Luther King (Martin Luther King Center), to jointly fund community projects. In addition, NPA finances a yearly event called "My Relevant Experience," a conference for sharing best practices and analyzing community work organized by the Grupo para el Desarollo Integral de la Capital (Group for Integral Development of the Capital). Afterwards, NPA publishes and disseminates the conference reports. Approximately 75% of NPA funding comes from NORAD (the aid agency of the Norwegian government), with the remaining 25% from other funds raised by NPA from foundations and individuals.

Although many international NGOs fund projects and provide technical and other assistance, few have permanent representation in Cuba. In part, this stems from the difficulty of building strong enough ties and confidence with the Cuban government, which oversees all non-governmental activity. NPA has an official Regional representation based in Nicaragua. From 1996 NPA in Cuba has relied on Mercedes Arce, the only employee, to slowly build relationships and trust that now serve as the foundation of NPA’s projects. Dr. Arce emphasizes three key principles to developing a strong working relationship in Cuba:

1. Walk, don’t run. Cultivate relationships with the appropriate government agencies and consult Cuban and international associations with experience in Cuba. Don’t start an extensive project with large expenditures until you have enough confidence in the project and with the partner. Start with small cooperative efforts that demonstrate your organization’s commitment to Cuba’s people and its NGOs.

2. Transparency, transparency, transparency! Clearly document and check every penny of funding and be aware of Cuba’s policy against accepting money from specific organizations and governments. Also, widely publicize meetings and projects. Spend conservatively, especially on administrative overhead, such as offices and vehicles.

3. Careful project planning. Choose well-established organizations as partners to facilitate initial programs. Projects should focus on tangible results and have clear impact on people’s wellbeing.

International and especially American NGOs face serious challenges and must adapt to a unique working environment if they want to operate successfully in Cuba. For example, INGOs currently must send all funds through MINVEC (Ministry of Foreign Investment and Economic Cooperation), which in turn disburses funds and salaries after a process of review. Moreover, research projects that may be routine in other countries, such as economic surveys, may be seen as threatening in the Cuban context. Despite these challenges, hundreds of projects by INGOs have been completed with transparency and success that meet international standards. Increasingly, INGOs have learned how to adapt to different working environments without compromising their principles or mission statements. The success of NPA demonstrates that a productive partnership requires long-term commitment to work in Cuba and a deep understanding of the political and social system.

When the anachronistic United States policy toward Cuba ends, there will be a flood of American NGOs interested in establishing projects and offices in Cuba: they should pay close attention to the experience of other international NGOs to ensure that engagement is respectful and productive.

The information for this article was collected on 27 June 2001 during an interview with Dr. Mercedes Arce at the Cuba office of Norwegian Popular Aid. NPA can be contacted at marapan@mail.infocom.etecsa.cu, fax (537) 66-9333, telephone (537) 23-5766, Avenida Camagüey #11234 apt. 38, Cerro, Ciudad Habana.

Cindy Huang is a candidate for Master of Public Affairs at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University to be graduated May, 2002. She is compiling a lengthy study of NGO work in Cuba as part of FRD’s ongoing commitment to foster communication between Cuban and American NGOs.


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Impressions: Non-governmental Organizations in Cuba

by Cindy Huang

Thanks to the generous support of the Fund for Reconciliation and Development (FRD) and the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs of Princeton University, I had the opportunity to research non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Cuba for two months in the Summer of 2001. Although a fair amount has been written on the topic, I wanted to engage people to get a "lay of the land" and to explore how United States NGOs might effectively build ties and projects in Cuba. Through more than fifteen formal interviews and many more informal conversations, I explored the successes, frustrations, and challenges of NGO life in Cuba.

From the beginning, I realized that strict categorizations would hinder understanding, that the Cuban context requires special sensitivity to historical and political reasons for policies and practices. Although there is no clear demarcation between governmental and non-governmental sectors, especially given the important oversight role of NGOs by the Ministry of Investment and Cooperation (MINVEC) , there is space for international NGOs, even American NGOs, in which to operate. Several interviewees mentioned the need to view foreign NGOs as facilitators, rather than implementers. As is well known, Cubans have the human capital necessary to design and implement projects if given materials and technical training not available in Cuba.

Due to the sensitive relationship between the United States and Cuba, further constrained by legal and bureaucratic restrictions on both sides, current American NGO involvement in Cuba is extremely limited. There are, however, successful collaborations and exchanges that began on a small scale through determination and commitment from a few United States NGOs and their Cuban counterparts. Again, it bears repeating that projects are generally most effective when the foreign/American NGO takes a backseat role, networking, training, and donating, allowing for unique Cuban solutions to local problems. Respect, understanding and patience are perhaps even more important than good programming, elegant deliverables or first-world funding.

INGOs hoping to operate in Cuba also need to be extremely flexible about navigating the changes in regulations and especially enforcement. For example, earlier it was possible to attend conferences with a tourist visa, but recently the Cuban government has been more vigorous, requiring specific relevant permision.

A major conference for European and Cuban NGO cooperation in 1999 brought together 50 Cuban organizations with 74 European, and17 Latin American and the Caribbean groups, plus two each from Canada and the United States. This meeting was critical for building ties and agreeing on principles for cooperation. While a similar meeting with United States NGOs is likely to be at least a few years away, it will mark a significant step forward in United States-Cuba relations. Bi-national communication at many levels is opening due to the increasing number of NGO-driven programs with and delegations to Cuba. Any genuine engagement now about NGO cooperation would be a tremendous educational and networking opportunity for both the Cuban and American peoples.

In this respect, United States NGOs should take the lead from several European NGOs, as well as udertaking cooperation by way of the existing avenues afforded by the United Nations. For example, through small-scale projects and cooperation with the Havana office of the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), organizations can begin to establish a base level of trust with their natural Cuban counterparts, as well as with officials who regulate NGO activity.

Cuba is an extremely delicate place to work, and INGOs are often operating on the margins of policy. A professional practice or cultural habit normal in New York, Washingtonn or San Francisco can be an unknowing yet harmful faux pas in Havana, Santiago or Cárdenas. This, however, should not deter groups from seeking means of cooperation; in fact, only through this intensive, long process can there be any transformation which will bridge the Florida Straits. As one program officer put it, book donations and travel are helpful to increasing contact between America and Cuba, but they do not have the same transformative potential as strong civil society connections. NGOs of both countries are rapidly building these.


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Cuba Working Group

Following are the founding members of the Cuba Working Group. If your Representative is listed, he or she certainly merits a call or fax of appreciation. If not, contact their office or try to see him or her while in the District and encourage affiliation.

Members of the Cuba Working Group

Republicans:

John Boozman
Kevin Brady
Jo Ann Emerson
Jeff Flake
Wally Herger
Ray LaHood
Jim Leach
Jerry Moran
George Nethercutt
Tom Osborne
Butch Otter
Ron Paul
Jim Ramstad
Dennis Rehberg
Chris Shays
Nick Smith
John Thune

Democrats:

Neil Abercrombie
Howard Berman
Marion Berry
William Lacy Clay
Peter DeFazio
William Delahunt
Sam Farr
Nick Lampson
Stephen Lynch
Jim McGovern
Collin Peterson
Charles Rangel
Tim Rowmer
Vic Snyder
Hilda Solis
Charlie Stenholm
Mike Thompson



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This page was last updated in April 2002