(212) 760-9903 fax (212)
760-9906 director@ffrd.org www.ffrd.org
International Volunteer Observers
Final Field Report
(#5)Field
Report #65 July 31August 2, 2003
Cambodia Elections: A
Preliminary Assessment Final Report
Final figures will not be available for several days, but it
is provisionally estimated that the Cambodian People’s Party has won some 73 731 National Assembly seats (out of 123)
in the July 27 elections. The royalist Front Uni pour un Cambodge Indépendant, Neutre, Paisible et Coopératif (FUNCINPEC) is likely to
receive 26 and the opposition
Sam Rainsy Party are likely to receive 26 and 24 seats respectivelyeach24, a
spectacular advance for the SRP (up 9911)
and a continuation of FUNCINPEC’s ignominious slide
(down 17) since 1998. Cambodia has a
proportional representation system, in which seats are determined by the
percentage of votes parties receive in each province. The National Assembly elections are therefore not a national
election per se, but a set of
simultaneous elections in each of the provinces and the special areas of Phnom
Penh, Kep, Pailin and Sihanoukville.
The International Volunteer Observers (IVO), deployed by the Fund for
Reconciliation and Development (FRD) in 12
provinces -- (including
Phnom Penh --)
for the National Assembly Elections and the counting process that followed,
concluded that the elections were conducted in a highly satisfactory waymanner. This is reflected in the IVO Statement,
issued as a Press Release on July 29[1]. We are encouraged especially by a comment by
the spokesperson of the European Union mission who said that these were “the
most democratic elections in [Cambodia’s] history”.
The Setting:
Cambodia, by general consensus, is not yet a fully
functioning democracy. National and
local elections, however well-run, are not the determining factor in defining a
democratic society under the rule of law.
The purpose of sending national and international observers to oversee
elections in a developing pluralist society is mainly to establish whether the
election process, including the campaign, the conduct of the polling process
and a tally of votes won by each party, has been impartial and
transparent.
This does not imply that
international observers should ignore the political environment in which the
elections took place. There is no doubt
that instances of vote buying and intimidation preceded the July 27 elections,
starting weeks or months before the campaign.
The local election monitoring NGO coalition COMFREL has credibly reported some 31 deaths, probably politically
motivated, in the eight months before the elections, but it was pointed out
that 11 of the alleged victims were members of the ruling Cambodian People’s
Party, and that 9 others were from its coalition partner FUNCINPEC.
Voting “incentives”, moreover, were a common device used by all three major parties. In rural areas, where the power and influence of local authorities such as village chiefs and commune officials are acknowledged, it is quite likely that people were more inclined to support the CPP. For 25 years, especially in remote regions, the distinction between government and party has been blurred. As development expands beyond the urban areas and main highways, it is to be expected that the situation will change, especially now that there is a more pluralistic system in place for local elections.
The campaign of 2003, which ran for one month from late
June, was evidently more issue-oriented than any in recent history. While the personalities of the main
political leaders were still a major factor, all made clear undertakings with
regard to economic development, corruption and, in the case of the oppositionFUNCINPEC and the Sam Rainsy Party, immigration , -- the latter being a code word for “illegal”
Vietnamese migrants, a popular theme given the decade-long occupation
of Cambodia by its neighbour in the 1980s.
Observing the Elections
The head of the International Volunteer Observers (IVO),
former Canadian Ambassador Gordon Longmuir, arrived in countryon July 11, followed by FRDthe Deputy Director of FRD, Susan
Hammond. Together they had meetings with
a wide variety of personalities, including the Chairman of the National
Election Committee, Prime Minister Samdech Hun Sen, senior party officials of
all three major parties, the Canadian and United States Ambassadors, other senior diplomats and
foreign experts and heads of key NGOs, both national and international, involved in
the election process. The
mood was generally optimistic, with only some local NGOs, SRP and and FUNCINPEC officials predicting serious
problems associated with apprehended allegations ofapprehended violence and
intimidation. Human rRights organizations were concerned
that there would be attempts by local authorities to manipulate voters,
especially in rural areas. A request to
meet the king was politely declined on the grounds that he could not meet all
the international observer groups.
Similar requests to meet Prince Ranariddh and opposition leader Sam
Rainsy received no response in spite of several follow-ups; we have sent them our findings.
Unlike the situation in 1998, there was
little evidence of intervention by military or even police authorities, who
kept a low profile throughout the campaign and the weekend of the elections
themselves. A major concern had been
that the ruling CPP would dominate the media, especially radio and TV, which
are the major sources
of news for illiterate rural peopleCambodians. Doubtless, the government continued to
control coverage not directly related to the elections. The NEC, however, with assistance from the
UN, orchestrated a series of 15-minute news broadcasts each day of with equal time for the
major parties. TVK, the state TV
network, broadcast debates and other events that equitably laid out the party
platforms -- with the approval of the Prime Minister. This was a major improvement on 1998, although paid political
announcements were not permitted by any private network, clearly under pressure
from the government. Progress in this
area will be slow, but TVK has indicated that it may continue to cover more
open political debate even after the elections. The Voice of
American (VOA) and Radio Free Asia (RFA ) reportedly carried more balanced
news of all party campaigns than in 1998.
In During the two or three days immediately
precedingweek
before voting day, the 34 additional IVO members arrived; all but a half
dozen had previous experience in Cambodia; some had observed the elections of
1998. After an in-house orientation and
a training session generously provided by tThe Asia Foundation, the observers were
deployed to eleven provinces and the capital area: two in Phnom Penh, four in Battambang, four in Kampot, four in
Kandal, two in Kratie, four in Kampong Cham, four in Prey Veng, two in Preah
Vihear, two in Kampong Chhang, two in Kampong Speu, two in Siem Reap, and four
in Takeo.[2] Armed with Polling Station Observation
Forms, Vote-count Reports and other guidance manuals provided by the Asia
Foundation, all observers had a consistent set of questions to address
concerning the conduct of the elections.
These forms are available on line at www.CambodiaVote.info or, in Khmer, at www.BohChnout.info . Observers were provided also with background
material including a fact sheet from Tthe Asia Foundation, a political-economic
assessment, maps, and, most
important, contact information for the Long- Term Advisers Observers -- LTOs (two or three in each province, assigned funded either by tThe US-funded Asia
Foundation or by the European Union) in their provinces.. These LTOs were most helpful in arranging
local accommodation, transportation and interpreters in rural areas.
The findings of the Observers are briefly
described in the Statement of July 29. The observers were enthusiastic
about their experience. Their original
documents will be kept at FRD headquarters in New York and are available on
request to the National Election Committee and Cambodian political parties,
provided individual observers have no objection to their release. It should be emphasized that these are not
official documents and have no legal status in the Kingdom of Cambodia -- they
reflect the personal views of the independent observers.
A Ggenerally feeling was that theThe administration of most polling and counting stations
wereas feltgenerally considered to be meticulous, sometimes to a
fault, and some wondered if the system could not be streamlined to make it
faster. Others thought that the very
deliberateness of the process gave voters more confidence in its honesty. It was agreed that we should congratulate
the authorities in including such a large number of women in the electoral
process.
Most observers
viewed the electioncommented that their experience was
positive, although some irregularities were observed, most of them minor. Among the most frequent comments was that
the village chief or commune officials were present in the vicinity of the
station, which may have been intimidating.
There also seemed to be an unusually high number of persons who were not
on the voters’ list. In some areas,
uniformed officers came to vote; this was noted but not contested by party
agents. There were instances of
handicapped persons not being able to enter polling stations. Several observers noted that the ballots,
printed for the first time in Cambodia, stuck together where the NEC serial
number had been embossed, thus causing the ballots to rip. Crowd control was poor in some areas. At a number of locations, there were party
signs (of all parties) within 200m of the polling stations. And a few persons did complain of incidents
of intimidation prior to July 27. One
“death threat” was heard (“if you come back, we will shoot you”) this to
an observer’s driver/interpreter, but it evidently was not election-related.
The most problematical issue involved the cConfusion around the registration process, and this may
partially explain why there was a lower voter turnout was lower this year than in
2003 1998 (although it is dangerous disingenuous to make too
much of the fact that “only” 83 per cent voted— -- this was still a high turnout by world standards). Persons who swear they registered correctly and had proper ID
were not on the list. This Their omission did not
necessarily correlate with their political allianceaffiliation,
so we
can perhaps conclude that it may be a structural issue, but one
that must be addressed before the next elections, probably for the Senate in
2005.
The most serious irregularity noted by a number of
observers, including from the International Republican Institute (IRI) and some from the US Embassy, had to do with the status
of Cambodian citizens of Vietnamese origin.
While none of our observers was involved in this issue, it is important
to take note of it in this report. An
incident occurred in Kandal on July 27 wherein roughly 100 ethnic Vietnamese,
whose names were on the voter list, were prevented from voting by a group of
young activists. Riot police were
reportedly called out and they were subsequently allowed to vote. When news of this kind circulates, it is
likely that many ethnic Vietnamese would simply stay home on election day.
In fairness, we observed stations in northern Phnom
Penh where there is a significant Vietnamese community and saw no
problems. Moreover, some
of our observers in border areas of Prey Veng province saw
no evidence of Vietnamese crossing into Cambodia to vote, as FUNCINPEC and SRP politicians had
alleged. Inflammatory racist rhetoric specifically aimed at
the Vietnamese is a problem that will have to be examined in the period between
elections. It will be recalled that a
number of ethnic Vietnamese were beaten to death during the demonstrations that
took place following the 1998 elections.
On their return to Phnom Penh, most of the IVOs attended a
debriefing presided over by Gordon Longmuir, where the text of the Press
Release of July 29 was discussed, some amendments suggested, and approved for
publication. That was an excellent
opportunity for observers to explain or augment the comments in their individual
observation forms. A general feeling was that the administration of
most polling and counting stations were meticulous, sometimes to a fault, and
some wondered if the system could not be streamlined to make it faster. Others thought that the very deliberateness
of the process gave voters more confidence in its honesty. It was agreed that we should congratulate
the authorities in including such a large number of women in the electoral
process.
The observers were enthusiastic about their
experience. Their original documents
will be kept at FRD headquarters in New York and are available on request to
the National Election Committee and Cambodian political parties, provided
individual observers have no objection to their release. It should be emphasized that these are not
official documents and have no legal status in the Kingdom of Cambodia -- they
reflect the personal views of the independent observers.
The personal commentaries of the observers were invaluable
in the preparation of our public statement and in handling subsequent
interviews. Gordon Longmuir spoke on
the record to VOA (Gary Thomas), the Economist (Tom Fawthrop), Radio Free Asia
(Sam Borin) and the Cambodia Daily (Michelle Vachon). He also met Seth Mydans of the New York Times, who had
unfortunately already filed his story. Mydans left
early to cover the mutiny in Manila and told us later that the Philippines at
that moment made Cambodia look like a developed democracy.
During the period since the election, there have been a
number of press conferences and information sessions; we attended two
“seminars” hosted by the Canadian Ambassador, the first to compare preliminary
conclusions the day following the vote count, the second, on July 31 to look at
the longer period surrounding the elections and to “lessons learned” for next
time. The larger oObserver
teams, i.e., COMFREL, ANFREL, the EU, la
Francophonie and the International Republican Institute (IRI) held
press briefings. Their documents have
been widely circulated. Most took a
positive view of the elections., and
Ooral
debriefings from the Australian, New Zealand, Canadian, US, Swedish and
Japanese Embassies and the National Democratic Institute indicated a uniform
opinion that the 2003 election process was greatly improved over 1998. Other groups observing the elections were
from the French Embassy, NICFEC (a Cambodian NGO consortium including some
foreign observers), and Human Rights Watch.
The Japanese Ambassador held a post-election reception for selected
observer missions, and the mood, even among critical Cambodian NGOs, was
upbeat.
IRI’s preliminary
report, while critical, was somewhat more balanced than in 1998,
but still proceeded from a preconceived premise that the elections had failed
to meet international standards. Christie Todd Whitman, who led the
observer mission, was cautious in drawing overly broad conclusions, and a detailed evaluation will be
published only in September. When one reporter raised the issue of
IRI’s clearly perceived failure of
impartiality in favoring and financing the SRP, IRI President George Folson
responded that the organization had, in fact, trained all political
parties in Cambodia over a ten year period -- which was
factual but glossed over the fact that IRI had done no training for CPP or
FUNCINPEC since the 1997 factional fighting. The Asia
Foundation confirmed in post-election observer meetings that
IRI did offer its polling manual to all party agents.
IRI’s report, while critical, was more balanced
than in 1998, but proceeded from the accepted premise that the elections had
“failed to meet international standards.”. Governor Christine
Todd Whitman, who led the observer mission,
seemed cautious
in drawing overly- broad conclusionssomewhat
embarrassed by the whole thing. When one reporter
We presume the detailed report promised for
September will signal a return to more muscular rhetoric. In the question period, the Guardian
correspondent raised the issue of IRI’s perceived lack
of impartiality
in favoring and financing (i.e., the
perception among Cambodians that it favoured and financed the SRP, )
and was told that IRI President George
Folsomn responded that
the organization had, in fact,
trained “all political parties” in Cambodia over a ten year period. This is no doubt the case, but aside from
its offerIt
is a fact that IRI had offered training to train to all
party agents for this election, we understand that it has done no training for
CPP or FUNCINPEC since
1997. M -- many
observers commented that some party agents carried notebooks with the large
letters “IRI” on the covers. However, theThe Asia Foundation
notedconfirmed in post -election observer
meetings that IRI gave out
these notebooksdid give them to all party
agents. In his interview with VOA immediately following the
IRI briefing, Gordon Longmuir commented that he thought the elections
“exceeded” international standards in many ways; that was echoed in a later
statement from the mission of la
Francophonie.
The EU Observation Mission, by far the largest and best
endowed, with some 20 LTOs
in the country from June 11 to mid-August, came to the most positive
conclusion, i.e., that the elections were “well conducted”, although Cambodia
still had “some way to go to full democracy.”.
Glyn
Ford, MEP, said that he could not disagree with the preliminary election
results announced by the NEC. Asked
by a rather belligerent European correspondent if the election was not a
“charade” to please the international community,; he Glyn Ford, MEP, suggested
the gentleman “tell that to the 6 million people who came out to vote,
especially the two million who voted for parties [other than the CPP]”. Another spokesperson referred to the
elections as “the freest and most democratic in [Cambodia’s] history”, a
judgment that, while positive, will not please King Sihanouk, who truly
believes he presided over several such elections..
The most serious irregularity noted by a number of
observers, including some from the US Embassy, had to do with the status of
Cambodian citizens of Vietnamese origin.
While none of our observers was involved in this issue, it is important
to take note of it in this report. An
incident occurred in Kandal on July 27 wherein roughly 100 ethnic Vietnamese,
whose names were on the voter list, were prevented from voting by a group of
young activists. Riot police were
reportedly called out and they were subsequently allowed to vote. When news of this kind circulates, it is
likely that many ethnic Vietnamese simply stay home on election day.
In fairness, we observed stations in northern Phnom
Penh where there is a significant Vietnamese community and saw no
problems. Moreover, some of our
observers in border areas of Prey Veng province were told that Vietnamese citizens would cross over to vote
CPP, but saw evidence of no such activity. Inflammatory
racist rhetoric specifically aimed at the Vietnamese is a problem that will
have to be examined in the period between elections. It will be recalled that a number of ethnic Vietnamese were
beaten to death during the demonstrations that took place following the 1998
elections.
What Next?
The coming days and weeks will determine whether or not a
new coalition government can be formed:
a two-thirds majority is required in the National Assembly, and no single
party has achieved that number. The SRP
and FUNCINPEC have called for a change in leadership in the CPP, but that is
highly unlikely, given that the CPP under Hun Sen has added as many as nine
seats to its parliamentary representation.
There is no constitutional provision for a hung parliament, and the new
National Assembly must be sworn in within 60 days. One foresees a situation similar to that in 1998, but perhaps
without the prolonged demonstrations and subsequent violence. The king, although he is leaving the
situation up to the parties for now, may well step in to mediate the problem
after a much shorter delay than in 1998, when the new coalition was not agreed
to until mid-November. His Majesty is clearly disgusted with the inability
of the party he founded to revive itself and play a constructive role.
Conclusions:
The IVO presence was relatively low-keymodest, in that itin Cambodia was short in
duration and the bulkall but six of the observers spent a very
short time in Phnom Penh. It did, we are
told, attract the attention of Julio Jeldres, the king’s biographer and a
supporter of FUNCINPEC, whose comments may appear in this weekend’s edition of
the bi-weekly Phnom Penh Post. IVO’s
mandate was to try to be rigorously impartial -- a difficult task in Cambodia
-- and its findings were very much in line with most other observer
missions. IVO’s statement of July 29
was, indeed, less fulsome in its praise than the preliminary report of EU’s preliminary report, but then
the EU mission,
which was
in country for a longer time and with much greater resources. The conclusions in our Press Release are stillremain valid, and the
advice that all parties accept the results and work together for the welfare of
the Cambodian people are even more apt, given the developments of the last
three days. We have orally urged Im Sousdey, Chair of the
National Election Committee, to consider all complaints and grievances and give
them prompt and impartial attention.
This may be the last time significant numbers of foreign
observers will be required to monitor a Cambodian election, although that is a
judgment that should be suspended until we see how the run-up to the Senate
elections of 2005 proceeds. If FRD were to
consider repeating the experience, we would suggest deploying a smaller number
of people for a longer period -- i.e., 20 people for two or three weeks, rather
than 36 people for four days. This
would involve more individual expense, of course, and that could be a limiting
factor for FRD. The voluntary nature of
this group was unique: IRI and EU
observers in the provinces could not believe that the IVOs received neither a per diem
nor travel expenses.
In
conclusion, we must thank Susan Hammond for her tireless support and attention
to detail, stickhandling the travel and accommodation arrangements for 36
demanding people, deciding on their deployment and maintaining excellent
communications, not only with New York, but with the media and local
organizations. Her good relations with The Asia
Foundation and her obvious knowledge of and affection for Cambodia were
valuable assets.
The Members of the IVO teamobservers,
who selflessly paid their own way for every aspect of this mission, clearly
enjoyed the adventure, and made a valuable contribution to the comfort level of
the Cambodian people in what was really only the second national election for
most. The insights and enthusiastic
critiques of this diverse and talented team will be most valuable in making
constructive recommendations to the NEC and the government for subsequent
elections.
Recommendations to the NEC:
The NEC will doubtless receive masses of advice
from international organizations; we will keep our list brief:
1.
In
the short run, ensure that the official vote count is an accurate reflection of
that which was carried out in the presence of party agents and observers, and
produce copies of all forms 1105 signed by the various party agents; a credible certified count is essential;
2.
Assiduously
follow up on all complaints and grievances brought before it by the parties or
disinterested observers, investigate them carefully, reject only those that
have no discernible merit, and mete out appropriate sanctions to alleged
offenders where these are appropriate;
3.
Undertake
an immediate review of the registration process, including a new procedure for
the issuance of voting cards to all eligible Cambodian citizens; consider a permanent voting list with
updates, rather than a short, fixed period for registration;
4.
Consider
a reform in the choice of election officials from the NEC down; officials
should renounce any party membership, and an effort should be made to bring in
persons who have not necessarily been members of the ruling party, even if
their professional skills are not immediately of a high standard;
5.
Consider
some streamlining measures that might make the election process and,
especially, the counting process, more manageable, while not sacrificing the
security of the ballot.
We repeat that a very professional and transparent
process seems to have been carried out almost everywhere our observer group
traveled during their mission to the 2003 elections -- those areas were chosen
randomly, and included some very remote places. Nonetheless, it is public perceptions that must be addressed, and
members of all parties should be assured that there will be no discrimination
as a result of party allegiance at any level.
That is a tall order in a country like Cambodia, but we are confident it
can happen.
Each time Cambodia goes to the polls, the
situation grows better -- this exercise was significantly better than in 1998,
and still all parties cannot seem to accept their fate and get on with
representing their people in such a way as to create a modern society. His Majesty King Sihanouk has said on
several occasions that there are no good losers in Cambodia (a phenomenaon not unique to Cambodia). We truly hope that that will cease to be the
case, and that a new and more forward looking coalition will emerge out of the
new National Assembly.
D.
Gordon Longmuir
Head, International Volunteer Observers
Election results are posted and analyzed at the NEC site prepared with the assistance of the government of Canada http://www.cambodiaelection2003.com/ProvincialResults.htm?language=e
Annex A:
Annex A: Press Release
issued July 29, 2003
|
Contact: John
McAuliff 1-212-760-9903 Catharin Dalpino 1-202-338-0241 |
355 West 39th Street ground
floor New York, NY 10018 director@ffrd.org www.ffrd.org |
Fund for
Reconciliation and Development |
Press Release
International Volunteer Observers Positive on Cambodian
Election Process
Field Report
Number 5 July 29, 2003
On July 27 and 28, the Fund for Reconciliation and
Development deployed 36 International Volunteer Observers (IVOs) to 12
provinces of the Kingdom of Cambodia, including Phnom Penh Municipality, to
observe the conduct of the National Assembly Elections and the vote counts that
followed. Members of this voluntary
team, led by Gordon Longmuir, former Ambassador of Canada to Cambodia, came
from the United States, Australia, Switzerland and Indonesia. They were dispersed widely and at random
throughout the country, some in very remote areas.
On the basis of
their observations of polling stations and communal counting centers, the IVOs
found that the elections were carried out in an open and inclusive manner, with
painstaking attention to detail to ensure the secrecy of ballots and an
accurate vote count. Election
officials, both at polling stations and counting centers carried out their
duties with evident impartiality, professionalism, zeal and good humor, for
which they are to be commended. IVO noted
also with approval that a large percentage of polling officials were women.
Some IVOs
reported isolated incidences of possible intimidation, irregularities or fraud,
but none of these were likely to have affected the outcome of the
elections. It should be emphasized,
however, that the majority of international observers, including the IVOs, were
in Cambodia for only a matter of days before, during and after election
day. Although many had previous
experience in Cambodia, their mandate did not extend to an analysis or
conclusions related to allegations of pre-election intimidation and
violence.
It is clearly for
the Cambodian people, not the international community, to judge these
elections. The IVOs wish to
congratulate polling officials, party agents and observers who worked so
diligently to ensure the transparency and integrity of the voting and counting
process, and the voters who came out in large numbers to exercise their
democratic rights. All 22 parties that
participated had agreed in advance to accept the ground rules laid down in the
National Election Law and in the regulations of the National Election
Commission.
(212)
760-9903 fax (212) 760-9906 director@ffrd.org www.ffrd.org
International
Volunteer Observers, Cambodia -- 2003
PRESS
RELEASE
FRD
Volunteers Positive on Cambodian Election Process
July
29, 2003
On
July 27 and 28, the Fund for Reconciliation and Development deployed 36
International Volunteer Observers (IVOs) to 12 provinces of the Kingdom of
Cambodia, including Phnom Penh Municipality, to observe the conduct of the
National Assembly Elections and the vote counts that followed. Members of this voluntary team, led by the
former Ambassador of Canada to Cambodia, came from the United States,
Australia, Switzerland and Indonesia.
They were dispersed widely and at random throughout the country, some in
very remote areas.
On
the basis of their observations of polling stations and communal counting
centres, the IVOs found that the elections were carried out in an open and
inclusive manner, with painstaking attention to detail to ensure the secrecy of
ballots and an accurate vote count.
Election officials, both at polling stations and counting centres
carried out their duties with evident impartiality, professionalism, zeal and
good humour, for which they
are to be commended. They noted also
with approval that a large percentage of polling officials were women.
Some
IVOs reported isolated incidences of possible intimidation, irregularities or
fraud, but none of these were likely to have affected the outcome of the
elections. It should be emphasized,
however, that the majority of international observers, including the IVOs, were
in Cambodia for only a matter of days before, during and after election
day. Although many had previous
experience in Cambodia, their mandate did not extend to an analysis or
conclusions related to allegations of pre-election intimidation and violence.
It
is clearly for the Cambodian people, not the international community, to judge
these elections. The IVOs wish to
congratulate polling officials, party agents and observers who worked so
diligently to ensure the transparency and integrity of the voting and counting
process, and the voters who came out in large numbers to exercise their
democratic rights. All 22 parties that
participated had agreed in advance to accept the ground rules laid down in the National
Election Law and in the regulations of the National Election Commission.
Final
results of the elections are not yet available. The IVOs’ experience, taken together with that reported by other
national and international observer groups, leads us to conclude that the
election process of July 27 and 28 was administered in a transparent and
accurate way. We urge all parties to accept the final results when they have
been certified and published, and to work together to create an effective and
productive National Assembly and a government dedicated to the welfare of the
Cambodian people.
Further
info, call: Susan Hammond, Deputy
Director, FRD 012 804 475 or
Gordon Longmuir, Head, International Volunteer
Observers 012 414 801
-30-
Annex B
Annex B
International
Volunteer
Observer Teams
Battambang
Theodore Ross
Valerie Mamara
Daniel Guttentag
Wendy McAvoy
Daniel Guttentag
Wendy McAvoy
Valerie Mamara
Kampot
Duane Sacket
William Wilson
Jane Martin
Truleen Delgado
Kandal
Benny Widyono
Fransesca Widyono
Peter S. Pen
Bill Rose
Kratie
Joel Montague
Joy Chia
Kampong Cham
Samrach Sok
Phuntsok Jansar
Sally Benson
Theodore M. Lieverman
Kampong Chhnang
Tom Grunfeld
Helmut Reuschle
Kampong Speu
Sothida Tan
Richard Walden
Preah Vihear
Thomas Sean Butler
William Collins
Prey Veng
Clint Blandford
Molly Daggett
Russell Proctor
Andrew Wells-Dang
Siem Reap
Jill Ireland
Robert Schweiger
Takeo
Joan Kraynavski
Sharmali Fowler
Lance Rasbridge
Caroline Wischmann
Phnom Penh
Susan Hammond
D. Gordon Longmuir