As Cambodia approaches national elections in July, it also marks the tenth anniversary of the 1993 landmark election managed by the United Nations Transitional Authority for Cambodia. This coincidence invites intense scrutiny of Cambodia’s political practices, and of its path toward democratization. Because of UNTAC’s role, international involvement in Cambodia’s political development has been unusually high, even a decade later. At times, the international community’s sense of “ownership” of that process has been palpable. As a result, analysts often compare Cambodia’s political processes to those of advanced Western democracies, usually under the rubric of “international standards.” Less often is Cambodia examined in light of political development in the Asia region, which is host to the broadest political spectrum in the world. Even less frequently is an attempt made to view Cambodia in the context of its own unique political history.

In conventional analysis, Cambodian political development is divided into institution-building tasks which parallel the constituent elements of a democracy: conducting free and fair elections; fostering a stable but unfettered political party system; developing an independent judiciary; and building an activist civil society that acts as a check on government. Undoubtedly, these are worthy goals, and an increasing number of Cambodians subscribe to them. However, they do not capture the near-term challenges and tasks that Cambodia must address to move its political development process forward. These include:

1. Recovering from a Quarter Century of Civil War and Internal Conflict

The political parties that emerged from the peace process in the early 1990’s were military rivals a few months prior. Peace settlements for civil wars often transfer the conflict from the battlefield to the polling station. In Cambodia and similar post- conflict nations, building trust between former combatants is an essential but lengthy task as party leaders exchange the rules of conflict for those of democratic contestation.

In civil war, leaders are accustomed to keeping populations under control, in order to maintain factional strength, and initially may find it difficult to view their adherents as constituents whose interests they now represent, or whose votes they must now win. Factional identity - politically, militarily and in broader society as a whole - is often more difficult to abandon than international advisers realize.

Cambodia is unique in the Asia region for the imprint of a past civil war on its political party system. This is not the case in East Timor, where Timorese parties were united politically against Indonesian rule. Given these circumstances, some political violence in Cambodia is likely unavoidable, although deplorable all the same. Analysts typically measure political violence in the lead-up to elections, counting numbers of casualties by party. Strictly on the basis of numbers, Cambodia surprisingly falls into the mid-range for election-related violence in Southeast Asia. In the 2002 commune elections, two dozen people were reported killed. This was twice the number whose deaths were linked to the Indonesian parliamentary elections of 1999, but only half the number killed in the Philippines national elections in 1998.

The sources of political violence are also seen in Cambodian society. In the political realm, tolerance for a broader public spectrum is becoming a public norm, but less progress has been noted in the personal realm. A comprehensive survey of Cambodian political attitudes, released in 2002 by The Asia Foundation, showed that two-thirds of Cambodians polled believe that all political parties should be allowed to operate. However, nearly the same percentage also said they would end a friendship with someone who supported an unpopular party. This month ADHOC, a Cambodian human rights organization, released findings that levels of both political and domestic violence were rising in the run-up to elections. Given Cambodia’s tragic past, levels of both political and personal violence are among the several measures of the country’s emergence from civil war.
2. Moving from Political Consensus to Political Change

Democracy is an adversarial as well as a consensual process. In the face of the pitched political contests the democracies produce, stability depends upon all parties subscribing to common rules of the game, and to the concept of a loyal opposition. These concepts must be embedded in the political culture as well as in the political system and typically can take a generation or more to develop. In post-conflict societies emerging from violent internal division, it can be difficult (and even dangerous) to move directly from military confrontation to political confrontation. In Cambodia, an interim period of consensus-building has been required. This has been seen in coalition rule and, in some government agencies, quotas and other arrangements designed to ensure factional representation. These mechanisms show, on the one hand, a willingness to move beyond a single source of power and, on the other, a reluctance for a degree of power-sharing that permits power to alternate between parties.

Coalition government has been seen at various intervals in several other Southeast Asian countries, such as Thailand and Indonesia. It is often the result of a political party system organized around individual personalities rather than ideologies or platforms. It is also more typical of parliamentary systems than presidential ones, since the former often have more complicated formulas for electoral victories.

The drive for consensus is also seen in bureaucratic arrangements which reflect factional divisions. In the first post-UNTAC government in Cambodia, the major ministries were headed by a minister and a vice minister from opposite parties, except Defense and Interior which had co-ministers. The post-1998 government coalition has divided the portfolio of ministries, as is the case in several other coalition governments, though the Ministries of Defense and Interior are still led by co-ministries.

In many Southeast Asian countries, one house in the legislature typically reserves seats for appointed members, which may be distributed according to party strength or be given to segments of society which have traditionally held power. In Thailand, the appointed Senate remained for fifteen years after the democratization process began, primarily to give the military a voice in politics. It became an elected body only in the year 2000, In Indonesia, some seats are still reserved for the military. The future of the Cambodian Senate is presently under debate. It is scheduled to move to elected membership in future polls. Given the likely cost of that, however, some leaders advocate disbanding it altogether, arguing that many systems can function well enough with a unicameral legislature.

3. Forging a National Definition of Democracy

Democratization changes societies as much as it alters the formal political system. Cambodian history has little tradition of public franchise, and a record of the violent transfer of political power for much of the second half of the twentieth century. Public education - and public consensus - on the nature and definition of democracy is an important but unheralded task in the early stage of democratization. The Asia Foundation survey found that only 3% of Cambodians associate democracy with elections. Freedoms of expression and association, neither of which were present in Cambodia a quarter century ago, were seen as more essential to the development of democracy at this time.

Definitions of democracy are most likely to differ between urban and rural populations. In most Southeast Asian countries which have undergone democratization processes, democracy has gained favor first in the urban areas, among the upper and middle income, educated classes. In rural areas, where political and economic feudalism may linger (Philippines) or where military influence is greater (Thailand well into the 1980’s), democracy may mean rise in income and improvement in quality of life.

4. Setting the Pace and Sequence for Political Change

The incremental approach, in which personal rights are secured first, and was uncovered in The Asia Foundation survey in Cambodia is seen in the political development of several Asian countries. In Thailand in the 1980’s, personal rights preceded multi-party politics. As rights expanded, so did citizens’ definition of, and demand for, democracy. In recent years, Vietnam and China, have seen an enlargement in personal rights, measured against those of three or four decades ago.

Many Western policymakers and analysts are resistant to the idea of a sequence in political development, and an incremental pace. In the post-cold war era, the democracy promotion plans of many donors have implicitly urged (and expected) simultaneous progress in all aspects of political development. These expectations are even greater for Cambodia, because its democratization process began with an international agreement and a brief period of international custodianship.

However, the experience of other international interventions (Haiti, Bosnia, Kosovo) indicates that a high degree of international involvement does not necessarily guarantee a rapid democratization process. In countries where democratization has appeared to be swift, where democratic “revolutions” have occurred, some sectors of political development have lagged nevertheless. After the “People’s Power” revolution in the Philippines in 1986, military factions attempted coups against the government six times before civil-military relations achieved democratic stability. After the 1998 transition in Indonesia, commonly termed a democratic revolution, the parliament catapulted to new powers, but the judiciary remains significantly weaker.

Cambodia’s institutional development is similar to that of several of its neighbors. A relatively strong executive is a constant across Asia, even in democracies. However, as in Thailand, Indonesia, the Philippines, and even China, the Cambodian legislature is gradually becoming more assertive. And, in common with many of its neighbors, the Cambodian judiciary is considerably weaker in comparison to the other two branches.

If Cambodia is ahead of the regional curve, it is in development of its civil society. The Cambodian NGO community includes groups concerned with the traditional delivery of social services, but it is distinguished by the relatively high number of advocacy organizations: for human rights, clean elections, and other issues crucial to democratization. As well, an active press has developed in Cambodia. Although both sectors have occasionally been subject to government domination, they have proved to be determined and resilient. The Cambodian press and non-governmental sectors compare favorably to their counterparts in the semi-democratic states of Asia (Singapore, Malaysia); in the remaining authoritarian states, they have no parallel at all.

5. Indigenizing the Democratization Process

If there is a single indicator to predict the success of Cambodia’s democratization process, it is whether the country will choose, and be able, to assume full financial and administrative responsibility from the international community for that process. In a more narrow sense, this translates into whether Cambodia will continue regular elections at the national and local level, and whether it will be able to afford them. Many Cambodians believe that international funding pledged for the 2003 polls, which would cover a portion of the cost, could be the last foreign support for a Cambodian election.

The Cambodian Development Resource Center points out that, for democratization to continue, the government will have to find and allocate sufficient resources to fund at least three elections -the Senate election, the 2007 commune elections, and the 2008 national elections - beyond this year’s polls. To be sure, the cost of elections has gone down: the 1998 election total was $28 million, while the 2002 commune elections cost $18 million. However, even further reductions will present the Cambodian people with a relatively high price tag for its democratization process. In a country struggling to meet basic needs, raise income levels, and achieve greater financial self-sufficiency, the continuation of the democratization process will be a matter not only of political will, but also of knowing sacrifice.

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The Fund for Reconciliation and Development is organizing a team of volunteer international observers for the Cambodian national election on July 27, 2003, similar to the team FRD coordinated to observe the 1998 election. To date we have more than thirty people interested in joining the observer team however there are still positions available.

For the third time since the Paris Peace Agreement in 1991 Cambodia will hold a national election to democratically determine its government. International observers have contributed to the generally peaceful conduct of each election by adding their disinterested highly visible presence to the far larger number of observers mobilized by Cambodian NGOs and political parties.

Observers will be responsible for all of their costs including international airfare, internal transportation, hotels, and meals. However, FRD is continuing to search for funding to subsidize the in-country travel and housing costs. FRD will assist observers in finding affordable accommodations in Phnom Penh and at the observation locations, make in-country travel arrangements, and arrange for transportation between polling stations.

Observers need to report to Phnom Penh by July 22nd for election monitoring orientation and training. We plan on placing at least one team of observers in each province and major cities. Observers will need to remain at the observation locations through the counting process which may take up to two to three days after the elections. The observer group will meet back in Phnom Penh July 29th or 30th to share their observations and draft the group’s observation report that will be submitted to Cambodia’s National Election Commission.

If you are interested in being a self-funded volunteer observer or in supporting this effort, please contact Susan Hammond at FRD by postal mail or by e-mail at shammond@ffrd.org or call 212-760-9903 before May 1, 2003. Susan will need the following information: name, current address, phone, email, current occupation, experience in Cambodia and/or elsewhere in Southeast Asia, election experience, dates available, passport data. In addition, please specify if there is a particular province you are interested in observing.

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I was involved in the bombing in Laos. Bounthanh and her whole village - those villagers that survived - were forced out of their ancestral homes by American bombing. All the villages in her home province, Xien Khuang, sometimes called the Plain of Jars, were destroyed by American bombing. The villages to which we are bringing Information Technology (IT) connectivity were ALL founded by internal refugees made homeless by American bombing 25 years ago. In some ways, villagers’ suffering continues 28 years after the end of that war.

Now, the American and British governments are undertaking another war. This one in Iraq. This one, the American government says, will start with the most intensive bombing (3000 sorties in one day) the world has ever known.

Bounthanh knows about intensive bombing. She went to school under her house at night, in a hole, by candlelight, to avoid the bombing. All the farmers in her village did their work with leaves on their backs and ducked into the paddy whenever they heard the sound of planes. Their objectives were to stay alive and to maintain their way of life. For them it was not about politics whatsoever -- at least, not at that time. Her village spent six years in refugee camps before they settled in Phon Kham. They built Phon Kham out of the jungle. They hand-dug all the canals in the rice fields. They hand-built all their houses, foraged for food, and survived. Most of them. As Bounthanh s mother told me one day as she, Vorasone and I gazed over her perfect garden, her family survived all the bombing intact. But they all did not survive the first year in Phon Kham. Two of Bounthanh’s sisters died that year, one from malaria and one from cholera.

I also know about intensive bombing. For years I had nightmares about one particular night in June 1966 when, under an order from the White House, all available planes from Guam to Japan to Thailand to South Vietnam to the Gulf of Tonkin were used to bomb the city of Hai Phong. That bombing started fire storms. The air caught fire. I showed the movies of this three times to the pilots of VA-55 and VAW-11. I loaded bombs for this run. I am sure thousands of people, perhaps tens of thousands, were killed that night. The vast, vast majority were civilians. The scene was horrific, vast waves of fire sweeping across that city. It sticks in my memory like a cancer.

The vast, vast majority of war dead in Iraq will be civilians: civilians that our military people will kill. Many of our soldiers and sailors and marines - and certainly many Iraqi people - will never forget this slaughter, will be haunted by these murders for decades as am I. In war everyone loses.

Just writing these words shakes me emotionally. I know almost the whole world, certainly the vast majority of the developing world and poor people everywhere, know what I am talking about. Fortunately most Americans do not. Almost all the civilian planners of this war do not. If they did, they might take their decisions with more gravity. They want to trade civilian lives for ... something ... oil, glory, ego, a new world order ... I don’t know. I can’t get inside their heads. But I’m home in my body and I’ve been traumatized by war and we need to do something else, I know ... and changing America’s mind is worth serious effort.

We are doing the opposite of war at Jhai Foundation. We come to Phon Kham and other villages as whole people which means as wounded people and flawed people, and we meet other whole people there. We get to know one another, little by little. We do this, partly, by working side-by-side. We tell our stories. We get past our denial about our past, one small step at a time. We mourn as we can. We continue to work on our friendship. And in that process we are installing things like computers and wi-fi and phone connectivity together. And this friendship building is working. We ll be back to Phon Kham fairly soon to complete the IT job ... because the villagers and all of us try to act honorably with one another.

But as a whole human being I am also a veteran of war. As such I joined with other veterans supporting a veterans march on Washington, what we call Operation: Dire Distress . www.vaiw.org/vet

Yours in Peace,
Lee Thorn
USS Ranger (CVA-61), Gulf of Tonkin, Vietnam, 1966
Chair, Jhai Foundation (for identification)


Jhai Foundation emphasizes reconciliation.by facilitating the development of self-help projects. Jhai’s focus projects on improving the well-being of poor children are concentrated in Vientiane Province, Laos, and the Boulaven Plain in Champassak Province, Laos. During the next year we are working on a US campaign to remove unexploded ordnance in Laos, a continuous flow of hospital supplies, establishment of computer labs in schools and the installation of the unique Jhai PC and communication system in remote villages, weaving and coffee initiatives, and integrated rural development.

Jhai Foundation, www.jhai.org
921 France Ave., San Francisco, CA 94112
(415) 334 2100 (fax/voice)

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Comparisons between the current conflict in Iraq and the Vietnam war are difficult to avoid, no less for representatives of nations affected by that conflict. At the request of the Non-Aligned Movement, the Security Council held a special session about Iraq on March 26. The following statements from the Vietnamese and Lao ambassodors are from that meeting. The Cambodian Ambassador was in Phnom Pehn so his words on Iraq from last October are included here.

H.E. Mr. Ouch Borith, Ambassador and Permanent Representative of The Kingdom of Cambodia to the United Nations at the Open Meeting of the Security Council on the Item “the Situation Between Iraq and Kuwait” New York, October 17, 2002

The situation in Iraq has been an issue that has been the subject of discussion in this august body for more twelve years now. Nine resolutions have been adopted, which not only called for Iraq to allow inspection and the destruction of weapons of mass destructions, but also on the return of Kuwaiti and their country prisoners of war and the return of Kuwaiti property. We should therefore not lose sight of the fact that adequate machinery already exists within the United Nations system to deal with this issue. We believe that peaceful efforts in the framework of United Nations mechanism should be fully utilized and if necessary, to be strengthened.  We therefore agree with the majority of member states that all avenues must be exhausted and that the use of force should only be utilized as a means of last resort . War will have disastrous consequences and create a humanitarian disaster of enormous proportions.

We therefore strongly urge that Iraq comply with all Security Council resolutions unconditionally and in an unfettered manner. We are pleased to note that Iraq has responded to the calls of the Secretary-General of the United Nations and of many member states among others by its positive attitude in the discussions with UNMOVIC and IAEA in Vienna and by sending letters to the Secretary-General declaring its acceptance of the return of the weapon inspectors to Iraq unconditionally. We trust now that the speedy return of the inspectors is imperative as a means to alleviate international tensions in this grave and dangerous situation.  Compliance by Iraq of all UN resolutions should allow the sanctions imposed on Iraq for the past twelve years which have caused innumerable sufferings for its innocent civilian population be lifted as soon as possible. 

H.E. Mr. Nguyen Thanh Chau, Ambassador and Permanent Representative of Vietnam to the United Nations at the UN Security Council on the Question of Iraq New York, 26 March 2003

My delegation wishes to express our high appreciation to you for the quick response to convene this open debate at the request of Malaysia on behalf of the Non-Aligned Movement.

So Murphy’s law has applied in this particular case. What the whole international community is breathlessly wary of has happened. The war against Iraq entered its 7th day. It is deeply deplorable that the worldwide protests and tireless efforts by many UN members at this Chamber, and by members of the Security Council had failed to materialize a solution which may have helped to avoid the tragedy. It is sad to learn of human casualties and destruction under the wings of war. The Vietnamese has an old saying “tears always run down” to describe the pains and the agony of those parents weeping for the lost children. We therefore fully understand the agony and pains of those parents on both sides of the war who lost their sons and daughters, their nightmares that last as long as the war goes on. It is even sadder to look at those wounded Iraqi children lying in hospitals in real shock and awe who would never expect to end up there after so much of sufferings in the 12 year-long sanction. Why they, of all people, always become victims to the mistakes of the grown-ups?

The use of force against an independent, sovereign state and member of the United Nations constitutes a gross violation of the UN Charter and fundamental principles of international law. It also renders the United Nations ineffective, creates an extremely dangerous precedent in international relations, and undermines peace and stability in the region and the world. We are of the view that this unilateral and preventive military actions against Iraq won’t help to resolve the world’s complexity and ensure its security, but it further runs the risk of wide-spreading misunderstanding, radicalization and spiraling violence in the Middle-East. The outbreak of sheer force of arms in this already volatile region can only exacerbate the tensions and fractures in which terrorism feeds. Vietnam s position on the war against Iraq is crystal clear, as has been reiterated in the statement by the spokesperson of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Government of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam on March 20th, 2003.

War is a death sentence to peace. We share our voice with others, calling for an immediate end to the military actions against Iraq. This fait accompli demands for swift response by the international community in the field of humanitarian assistance to the Iraqi people. As the supplies of essential food which 60% of the Iraqi population depends on are reported to be running low, the Oil-for-Food Program should be resumed. It is imperative for the United Nations to shoulder the responsibilities of coordinating the international efforts to help the Iraqi people to overcome the dire consequences of war and rebuild their country. The people and Government of Vietnam are ready to take an active part in this collective endeavour.


H.E. Mr. Alounkeo Kittikhoun, Ambassador and Permanent Representative of the Lao PDR to the United Nations at the UN Security Council on the Question of Iraq New York, 26 March 2003

My country, the Lao People’s Democratic Republic (Lao PDR), is following the question of Iraq very closely. Like the overwhelming majority of states and peoples throughout the world, we have always advocated a peaceful solution to this delicate and complex issue. Indeed, we share the deep conviction of all those who have cautioned against the unpredictable and devastating consequences of the use of force to settle this conflict, such as its enormous material damage, a large loss of human life, and a negative impact on peace and security in the Middle East and throughout the world.

In spite of the opposition of the majority of the world community, on the 20th of March 2003, a large-scale military attack was launched against the Republic of Iraq - an independent and sovereign country, a member of the NAM and the United Nations. We deeply regret that the peaceful path, which was still available, was instead abandoned and that the military option was unfortunately chosen. This act of unjustified aggression, one which is not mandated by the Security Council, is a serious violation of the UN Charter and international law. The government of the Lao PDR, in its statement issued on the 20th of March 2003, appealed for an immediate end to such an armed attack in order to spare the lives of the innocent Iraqi civilian populations. We still firmly believe that a peaceful solution to this conflict, however complex, can still be attained within the framework of the United Nations. Let us give diplomacy a chance rather than continue to hear the clash of weapons. In accordance with the latest information from the mass media, the number of innocent civilian victims continues to grow. No less serious, if the war goes on, we can expect a major humanitarian crisis whose consequences would be catastrophic.

Before the outbreak of military conflict, some spoke of a quick war. Many now are talking about the possibility of a lengthy war and one that is no doubt wrought with heavy consequences. Faced with this situation, we can only feel the greatest concern and even anxiety. The international community is therefore called upon to take urgent action in order to immediately put an end to this war, which has already caused almost a thousand lives. If the world succeeds in this noble endeavor, we will have paid great service to the Iraqi people whose unbearable suffering should not be disregarded by anyone.

After the end of the bipolar era, many people had expressed the hope that they would be able to build a better world. Since that time, governments and peoples throughout the world have done everything possible and have spared no effort to promote cooperation in all possible areas amongst states. This cooperation has already recorded important achievements in many fields. In our modern history, is this not a trend that deserved to be strongly sustained? Cooperation yields benefits. All countries and peoples the world over can only rejoice over this. On the other hand, war or the use of force to settle conflict only brings destruction, misery, death, resentment, anger, and hatred.

Together we should do our utmost and continue in our effort so that dialogue and cooperation amongst states might prevail in international relations, thereby helping to preserve world peace and security. These are the thoughts, which my delegation wishes to impart to this august Council.

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An important factor in the dispute over NTR for Laos is sentiment within the Laotian-American community. In recent months, several prominent Laotian-Americans have made ground-breaking efforts to bridge gaps created by Cold War divisions. In late November Dr. Yang Dao, a Hmong-American scholar and educator of Southeast Asian history, visited Laos for two weeks to assess current conditions in contrast to the country he had left in 1975. Yang is the first Hmong to receive a Ph.D., which he earned from the Sorbonne in 1972. He served in the Ministry of Planning of the Royal Lao Government from 1972-74 and in the Political Consultative Council, a National Coalition of the Kingdom of Laos from 1974-75. Immigrating first to France, Yang moved to the US in 1983, where he has published extensively on Hmong history and culture and has taught at the university level.

In a letter detailing his visit to Laos, which Yang posted on the internet, he commented that the Hmong situation in Laos “has improved in all aspects.” He pointed out that while they constitute only 9% of the population, they hold 16% of the central and regional administrative positions. Although noting that “a few small pockets” of Hmong resistance remain, he found relations among the Hmong, Lao, Khmu and other ethnic groups to be peaceful and amicable. However, he also remarked upon the continuing poverty and lack of development in Laos and its need for international assistance. Yang’s letter strongly encouraged members of the Hmong and Lao communities in the US to visit Laos and view for themselves the social, economic and political changes that have taken place in the past three decades, and to participate in the country’s development.

Reaction to Yang’s visit from some quarters of the Lao-American community has been predictably harsh. In response, he issued a statement on January 23, pointing out that he is “not the only visitor to notice the change in Laos.” He noted that he took a strong and public stand in condemnation of attacks against the Hmong in the late 1970’s, and that he encouraged government authorities to seek a peaceful solution to residual Hmong resistance during his 2002 trip. Yang plans to make a video of his trip to Laos available to the Laotian-American community free of charge.

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