After Prolonged Suffering: A 21st-Century Agenda for US-Vietnam Reconciliation

by Andrew Wells-Dang

[Editor’s note: As Vietnam and the US marked the twenty-fifth anniversary of peace and the fifth anniversary of normal diplomatic relations, the final step has been taken towards normal economic ties. Following is a personal perspective on what has changed,, and what hasn’t, by an activist and analyst from the new generation of NGO engagement.]

The US-Vietnam trade agreement, signed on 13 July 2000 in Washington, represents a significant step forward in ties between the former enemies. Over three years in negotiation, the trade talks overcame Vietnamese hesitations, domestic US political opposition, and misunderstandings on both sides. Their successful conclusion opens the way for increased bilateral cooperation in a number of fields, as well as for President Clinton’s planned visit to Hanoi in November.

Those of us in the nonprofit community who were divided or ambivalent over the recent China trade debate should have much less difficulty supporting the Vietnam agreement. First, the substance of the agreement is quite different. Vietnam is not yet being granted permanent normal trading relations (PNTR), let alone being admitted into the World Trade Organization. The agreement only sets very detailed timetables for removing discriminatory tariffs and other barriers—obstacles that the US applied to Vietnam for purely political reasons. Only four other countries—Afghanistan, Cuba, North Korea, and Serbia—lack an NTR agreement (Laos and the US negotiated a deal in 1997 that has yet to be submited to Congress for ratification.) Second, Vietnam was given a double standard out of historical animosity and the die-hard opposition of the unreconstructed cold warriors, certain veterans groups, and an extreme section of the Vietnamese-American community. The trade agreement removes a critical Cold War-era roadblock to treating Vietnam as a country, not a war.

The ugly side of US-Vietnam relations was clearly visible during the media circus surrounding the 25th anniversary of the end of what Vietnamese call the “American War.” During the weeks preceding 30 April 2000, much of the press attention focused on the past, not the present and future, sensationalizing the negative and underplaying the cooperation and growth that have been achieved since 1975. Meanwhile, Sen. John McCain’s candidacy for the Republican Presidential nomination reopened old wounds and debates over civilian-targeted bombing and the treatment of prisoners of war.

For most of postwar history, the only issue Washington has taken seriously is one permeated with political myths and falsehood: the POW-MIA search. Initially an attempt to find live former prisoners, the program, which still operates an office in Hanoi, has become a far-flung and expensive exercise in forensic anthropology. While a number of remains have been recovered from remote areas, many will of course never be found. No one appears much concerned, either, about the far greater number of missing Vietnamese, northern and southern, whose graves are completely unknown. Despite the clear discrimination-should one say racism?-inherent in the process, Vietnamese cooperation has been excellent, a fact acknowledged by President Clinton in a February 2000 review. It is a sign of the persistence of the “Vietnam syndrome” in the US that the MIA issue still forms, as William Cohen recently told the Los Angeles Times, America’s “paramount” interest in Vietnam.

Despite the finalization of the trade agreement, therefore, it would be a mistake to consider US-Vietnam relations as reconciled or the legacy of the war put to rest. To begin with, the agreement must be ratified by Congress, as well as Vietnam’s National Assembly, actions that are unlikely to happen before the November US election and the March 2001 Party Congress, respectively. Neither ratification appears to be at risk, but the agreement will face continued disagreement and debate, particularly on the US side. A Clinton visit, planned to follow the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit in Brunei, will also bring renewed attention to US-Vietnam ties.

For advocates of closer US-Vietnam ties, the next period offers an unparalleled opportunity to take the initiative and press for full reconciliation. In brief summary, our agenda should consist of, first, resolving the remaining war legacy issues that continue to plague the lives of both some Americans and many Vietnamese; and second, assisting Vietnam in its efforts to be a peaceful, open, and more equitable society. These goals are in broad agreement with the humanitarian and poverty reduction priorities of the Vietnamese government. Their realization depends in large part on responsible and compassionate American policies.